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Operation Deliverance, as interpreted by Col Labbé, had two main focuses: its official mission was to establish a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid by non-governmental organizations (NGOs); and, simultaneously, it was to assist in the rebuilding of essential civilian infrastructure to ensure that progress could be sustained by the Somali population once the Unified Task Force (UNITAF) forces departed. This second goal was often referred to as a 'hearts and minds' program.
'Hearts and minds' is a concept that has been used in military doctrine for many decades. The United States pursued a 'hearts and minds' campaign in Vietnam, as did the British in Malaysia in the 1950s. Civil-military co-operation (CIMIC) is the official term generally used in the Canadian Forces (CF) today.
Col Labbé testified that "we...felt that one does not endear oneself to a local population by doing cordon and search operations, by establishing roadblocks and seizing weapons from individuals, by conducting strictly military operations in direct support of the non-governmental organizations, and win the hearts and minds of the local population." A longer-term approach required that the CF simultaneously pursue a public relations and rebuilding campaign to gain the confidence of the local population.
Having gained their confidence and having convinced the local elders and warlords that they could benefit as well from the newly secured environment, the troops worked to revitalize institutions, to establish essential community services (involving the creation of security, reconstruction, relief, and political committees), and to attempt to restore some of the functions of the local society that had existed before the civil war. Col Labbé stated,
We felt that if, during our time, our six-month period...we could get those committees to demonstrate to the local population of people they served, in principle, that they were capable of making positive decisions, having a positive impact on the lives of residents of the Belet Huen area, not just Belet Huen but the entire humanitarian relief sector for which we were responsible, 33,000 square miles of desert. We felt we might then have, upon our departure, established the seeds for further development of those institutions and put that region of Somalia back on the path to a normal lifestyle.
Since CF members were not in Somalia to provide relief but to secure a safe environment so that the NGOs could do so, all their humanitarian work was done in partnership with NGOs and the local population. CIMIC efforts in Mogadishu were co-ordinated by Maj LeLièvre from Canadian Joint Force Somalia headquarters. This team dealt with over 40 NGOs and relief agencies, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, International Medical Corps, and the World Food Program. In Mogadishu, the NGOs held morning meetings that were attended by CF officers, who then co-ordinated a range of humanitarian activities.
For example, the engineers and technicians from HMCS Preserver provided services to NGOs, including repairing radios, computers, air conditioners, generators, and other equipment. Members of the Canadian Airborne Regiment Battle Group (CARBG) also worked with NGOs and the local leadership to co-ordinate a variety of tasks, such as escorts for relief convoys, arms registration, provision of water, reconstruction, and repair of infrastructure. To avoid any appearance of favouritism, CARBG members met with the local Somalis only when all clans were represented, and ensured that all clans had representation on CIMIC committees. During the mission, CF members responded to approximately 200 requests from NGOs in the Belet Huen Humanitarian Relief Sector.
During public hearings, we heard testimony regarding the humanitarian activities of CJFS, which evolved out of this 'hearts and minds' approach. The witnesses included LCdr Heather McKinnon, the physician on board HMCS Preserver; Lt (N) Rebecca Patterson (formerly Gowthorpe), a nurse stationed with CARBG in Belet Huen; Maj Richard Moreau, WO Steven Lehman, and Sgt Donald Hobbs of the Royal Canadian Dragoons (RCD); WO Robert Labrie of 1 Commando; Sgt Ian MacAuley of 2 Commando; and Sgt Mark Godfrey of 3 Commando. These witnesses all testified that they were proud of the work performed by CF members in Somalia, believed that the mission had been worthwhile, and were impressed with the professionalism and dedication of other CF personnel who had worked with them.
Sgt Donald Hobbs of RCD was the supervisor for the maintenance troop. In the Belet Huen area, one of RCD's first tasks was to rebuild the bridge on the Chinese Highway (the road between Belet Huen and Matabaan). The bridge had been blown up, and the only way around it was through a minefield. Although the engineers spent two days clearing the minefield, it was crucial to rebuild the bridge, since there was still the danger that some mines might remain. After the bridge was rebuilt, a guard was placed at the bridge for a short time to deter theft. A footwalk was also donated and installed by Canadian engineers on the Bailey bridge in the centre of Belet Huen.
The RCD maintenance troop attended to local vehicle accidents, assisted with medical evacuations, and provided safe escort for food convoys. The police station, hospital, and the school in Matabaan were rebuilt, and school supplies were delivered. A school in Balem Balle, full of unexploded mines, mortar artillery and tank rounds, was cleared and re-opened. When the town and surrounding area were secured, medics visited the hospital in Matabaan daily treating gunshot wounds and tending to children whose fingers had been blown off by military fuses. When the RCD first arrived in Matabaan, there was little or no market activity, but by the time they left, the market had re-opened.
WO Steven Lehman, of RCD, A Squadron, arrived in Belet Huen in January 1993. His troop was assigned to vehicle patrols, to create and maintain a secure environment in which NGOs could carry out their humanitarian work. During their deployment. they provided escort to supply convoys and made necessary repairs to supply trucks. Minefields planted along the major road were cleared, making it possible for people to travel and for goods to be moved safely. Mine-awareness teams were formed by A Squadron to train the local population, especially the children, about the hazards of unexploded ordnance.
Sgt Ian MacAuley was the section commander with 5 Platoon of 2 Commando. When 2 Commando arrived in Belet Huen, it worked with the local security committee to re-establish the local police force. CARBG personnel staffed the local police station 24 hours a day for a time and assisted in training the local police, teaching basic drill, riot control, and first aid. They established a local judicial system using clan elders, local judges, and local lawyers. The jail was repaired by the engineers with assistance from 2 Commando. Wells, a windmill, and a large generator were also repaired. 6 Platoon cleaned a slaughter yard several times and attempted to educate the local people regarding the health benefits of burying these waste products.
As did the Royal Canadian Dragoons, personnel from 1, 2 and 3 Commandos provided escorts to humanitarian relief convoys: in total, CF troops escorted about 60 convoys (averaging 12 vehicles per convoy) which brought vital supplies to 96 villages.
In Belet Huen, CARBG members discovered that there were funds available from the World Food Program, USAID and the Canadian International Development Agency Canada Fund for work programs. A work program was started first to repair roads, then schools and other buildings. This program employed Somalis and poured considerable funds into the local economy.
School reconstruction began with the assistance of the local education committee. The first school was cleaned and reconstructed with materials provided by the CARBG. The work was done by Somali workers, under the protection and direction of CARBG personnel. Subsequently, this program was expanded to include the reconstruction of schools in four other towns and three additional schools in Belet Huen.
The CARBG provided technical assistance to the NGOs in Belet Huen by repairing a variety of machinery. Canadian field engineers assisted with road repair, allowing relief supplies that arrived by sea at Mogadishu and Kismayu to be distributed by truck convoys throughout the country. The CARBG also provided armed escorts for these supply convoys.
In addition to these humanitarian activities, CF members contributed in a number of other ways. They trained 272 local teachers; provided potable water to refugees in the area; repaired approximately 20 wells and many generators in a number of villages in the Canadian area of responsibility; repaired over 200 kilometres of roads; and destroyed ammunition, mines, and explosives scattered around local villages and the town of Belet Huen.
Medical teams from both HMCS Preserver and the CARBG also made special efforts to provide assistance to the Somali population. For the first two months of the UNITAF mission, Canadians took the lead in medical work. Doctors and nurses from the CARBG surgical team and personnel from the Medical Platoon provided assistance to the staff at the International Medical Corps (IMC) hospital in Belet Huen. The involvement of the unit medical station (UMS) in humanitarian aid was initiated by Maj Russell Brown. The IMC accepted the help of the UMS, provided they agreed to follow the NGO guidelines, which included treating the Somalis in ways that they would be able to sustain; not providing treatment that could not be understood or followed up by the Somalis; and respecting local cultural needs.
With these guidelines in mind, the UMS worked in partnership with the NGOs and visited the IMC hospital three times a week, working side by side with the Somalis, making hospital rounds, examining patients on the wards and in the emergency department, assessing patients with regard to possible surgery, providing surgical and anaesthesia services, working in a consulting capacity, and assisting in providing post-operative care. They also provided teaching and training to both nurses and doctors at the hospital in Belet Huen.
Lt (N) Patterson testified that she believed that when they left, the local medical staff had improved nursing and surgical skills. They had also improved the standard of hygiene within the hospital, standards that were subsequently supported by the Somali staff. (For example, when CARBG personnel arrived, needles discarded in the hospital courtyard posed a major danger as a source of infections. After being taught by the UMS, local Somali medical staff allowed the newly taught procedures by burning used dressings and disposing appropriately of hazardous waste.)
IMC had been asked by the local school governors to set up a basic first aid program for its teachers. Ordinary Seaman Nearing, a medic in the holding section, volunteered to do this. He designed a basic first aid program to deal with types of injuries that the local population would encounter. The aid agencies were interested in this project for their own staff, and OS Nearing later also taught a session for IMC's Somali guards. When he was redeployed, all his work was made available for use in the local school system.
CARBG medical personnel also provided blood and blood products and other medical supplies. X-ray and laboratory technicians repaired what they could of local medical equipment, and other non-medical technicians, electricians, and engineers repaired equipment in the hospital, provided a generator and fuel, and assisted with emergency medical treatment for Somalis around the camp.
Capt Setter, CARBG's pharmacy officer, initiated the donation of approximately $225,000 worth of medical supplies to IMC from the people of Canada. Trenton Memorial Hospital donated a number of hospital beds, bedside tables, and physiotherapy equipment to the Belet Huen hospital. This equipment was flown by the CF from Trenton, Ontario, to Belet Huen, where it was checked over by CF personnel before delivery to the local hospital.
LCdr MacKinnon, the physician on board HMCS Preserver,
testified that she and other members of the crew, both medical
and technical personnel, visited Medina Hospital in Mogadishu
as often as three times a week. The technical personnel repaired
hospital equipment, including air conditioners, sterilizers, and
generators; made mattresses for cribs; and fixed the pump for
the hospital well. Canadian medical team members saw patients
in the hospital wards and held out-patient clinics. They treated
fresh wounds, dysentery, malaria, tuberculosis, syphilis, and
skin diseases. The ship's dentist provided dental services and
teaching clinics and performed extractions.
Individual members of Operation Deliverance received special recognition
for their contributions to the humanitarian work of the CJFS.
They were Capt (N) Allen and the crew of HMCS Preserver,
who took the lead in an orphanage project in Mogadishu (members
of the crew volunteered to build tables, chairs, shelves, storage
boxes, and a complete kitchen for the orphanage, where the 600
children had been eating on the floor; and delivered three truckloads
of goods); Maj Brown and Maj Armstrong, who were instrumental
in organizing medical volunteer work in Belet Huen; Capt Mansfield
and the Engineers Squadron group, who were responsible for much
of the school rebuilding; MWO Mills, who played an important role
in the organization and training of the local Belet Huen police
force; and Maj Rod MacKay, who was responsible, along with a small
staff, for co-ordinating with very limited resources all the humanitarian
efforts of the CF in Somalia.
Mary Lightfine, hospital co-ordinator for IMC in Belet Huen, sent a letter of appreciation to Col Labbé, dated March 15, 1993, which specifically thanked the medical team of Maj Lee Jewer, Maj Russell Brown, Maj Barry Armstrong, Lt Diane Maclntyre, Lt (N) Rebecca Gowthorpe, Capt Cal Dejessus, Sgt Alan Anderson, Sgt André Boisclair, Sgt Craig Smith, MCpl Dwayne Atkinson and Sgt Guy Roy. The letter stated:
You and your troops were always available to us, anticipating our needs and providing support in every way possible, from security to victim care. For your assistance, we are eternally grateful, and I hope the Somali are as well. A special thank you is due to the many members of your medical team who arrived at the hospital ready to tackle the many problems awaiting us all from generator loans, equipment repair, and laboratory assessment to patient care and teaching.... There is no doubt that the community service you have given is far beyond the call of duty and your country will be proud of your efforts.
The program co-ordinator for IMC in Belet Huen wrote to CJFS Commander Col Labbé, stating:
On behalf of the IMC team...we would like to commend the outstanding work of Captain Jette in his role of administrator of civilian/military affairs...for the school rehabilitation project. I believe Captain Jette's participation in the evolution of this project had a good deal to do with the positive outcome.... Working collaboratively with tribal kings, educational leaders, business people or labourers is not an easy task given the local conditions of a society in anarchy and plagued with clan bias. However, his straightforward manner combined with a sense of compassion enabled him to make progress in a matter of days that in my experience could have dragged on for weeks.... Captain Jette is but one of many individuals in the CF who has impressed us with their high professionalism standards. We do feel compelled to single out and comment on such a remarkable soldier.
Robert Oakley, the U.S. President's Special Envoy to Somalia, stated in a letter to the Hon. Kim Campbell, Minister of National Defence, dated May 11, 1993:
[My] personal assessment of the performance of the Canadian Airborne Regiment Battle Group in Somalia during the period December 13, 1992... until March 8, 1993...is that it was truly outstanding.... In community relations and humanitarian activities, the Canadian Battle Group worked very closely with my civilian staff and myself.... Without help, the Canadian unit was able to bring about the establishment of a regional council involving some fourteen different sub-clans--who had absolutely refused to meet together, much less co-operate prior to the Canadian arrival... Canada has every reason to be extremely pleased and proud of its military forces in Somalia. Certainly, the United States military and civilian authorities and Somali people hold them in highest esteem.
On May 1, 1993, the day UNITAF turned operations in Somalia over to United Nations Operations in Somalia (UNOSOM II), the Commander of UNITAF, LGen Johnston, wrote to Canada's CDS, Adm Anderson, on the performance of the CJFS in Somalia. On the work of the troops he wrote:
I must express my high praise for the performance of the Canadian forces under my command....
Clearly, our primary mission was to provide open and free passage for humanitarian relief to literally thousands of Somalis who were dying of starvation everyday and to provide security for relief convoys from the many humanitarian relief organizations operating in our area of responsibility. It should be no surprise that the Canadian Airborne Regiment worked most effectively with relief workers and, in fact, delivered several thousand metric tons of relief supplies on behalf of the relief agencies. Most significant is that the Canadian forces took the initiative to provide security for a number of large convoys that were for Dhusa Mareb, several hundred kilometres outside the Canadian HRS. The bottom line was that there was no mission the Canadians were not willing to handle. The devastating effect of the famine was quickly reversed in the Belet [H]uen HRS and I can attribute that to the aggressive convoy operations that were conducted.
One of the very striking successes of the Canadian Airborne Regiment has been the regiment's focus on civic programs designed to improve conditions for the Somali communities within the Belet [H]uen HRS. I...simply relied on the commanders to take the initiative and pursue programs within their capabilities. The Airborne Regiment took on the most ambitious program of any of the HRSs with respect to school reconstruction... [A]bout week ago the UN Special Envoy Admiral Jonathan Howe presided at the official opening of Belet [H]uen schools. It was a most significant event and a testimony to the humanitarian focus of the Canadian troops. It has earned them enormous good will and they have properly portrayed themselves as having come to Somalia for noble purpose.... While the operations of the Airborne Regiment have been most visible to me, I am keenly aware of the vital contributions of HMCS Preserver.... The Canadian Airborne Regiment has performed with great distinction and the Canadian people should view its role in this historic humanitarian mission with enormous pride.
The good works of the CF in Somalia have often been overlooked
as attention on their return to Canada shifted to a series of
courts-martial, the report of the de Faye Board of Inquiry and
the eventual creation of this Commission of Inquiry.
The CJFS Headquarters was established to exercise national command over the CF within the U.S.-led UNITAF coalition. Based in Mogadishu, CJFS consisted of 55 personnel charged with a number of tasks, including the co-ordination of national logistical support operations. (This establishment of a national headquarters was a departure from past UN missions where national commanders traditionally played the role of UN staff officers. This new approach reflected the nature of the intervention in Somalia, the growing complexity of UN missions, and the need to ensure that Canadian interests were being considered within the coalition.)
Col Serge Labbé received his appointment as Commander of the CJFS on December 5, 1992. He was directed by the Chief of the Defence Staff, Gen de Chastelain, to seek a worthwhile role for Canadian forces in the U.S.-led peace enforcement operation; he himself was anxious to raise the profile of Canadian participation in Somalia.
Col Labbé had only a very short time in which to prepare himself, his staff, and the Canadian troops under his command for this new mission. By the time he landed in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital city, on December 11, 1992, preliminary discussions with military planners at a U.S. base in Florida had determined that the Canadian contingent would be responsible initially for maintaining security at Baledogle airport.
Four days after arriving in Somalia, in the course of talks with LGen R.B. Johnston, the commander of the U.S. -led multi-national coalition, the Canadians arranged to be responsible for securing and maintaining security in the Belet Huen Humanitarian Relief Sector. Col Labbé learned as well that Canadian forces would share this task with elements of 10th (U.S.) Mountain Division, even though initially he had tried to have the task assigned solely to his troops.
Plans advanced rapidly at this stage, partly because UNITAF had
met with less resistance on arrival than anticipated, and also
because there was an atmosphere of urgency created by media attention
to the crisis in Somalia. In asserting Canada's capabilities during
the talks in Mogadishu, Col Labbé underlined the Canadian
force's strength as a highly mobile, mechanized infantry battle
group.
When the Canadian unit led by LCol Mathieu left Canada for Somalia, it understood that its intended mission, at least initially, was to maintain security at the airport at Baledogle. However, according to later reports, the airport had already been secured by the U.S. marines on December 10, 1992. When the Canadian unit's advance party reached Baledogle, the threat against them was found to be non-existent.
The 200-member advance party of the CARBG had flown from Canada to Baledogle and began to arrive on December 15, 1992, with more Canadian troops arriving every day after that for a period of ten days. The activity in Baledogle was followed by the seizure of the town of Baidoa on December 16th. At this stage, operations were already ahead of schedule; the lack of serious Somali resistance had not been anticipated by American military planners.
The advance body of CARBG landed at the Belet Huen airstrip on board eight Canadian Hercules C-130 aircraft on December 28, 1992. The CARBG arrived in Belet Huen together with the 10th Mountain Division, and the joint Canada-U.S. air assault on December 28, 1992, Operation Belet Huen Provider, was unopposed by the local Somali militia, which moved its equipment some 30 kilometres to the north of the town. The Canadian and U.S. troops were met with welcoming crowds after having arrived prepared for a high-level security threat.
While Col Labbé and UNITAF leaders were in the early stages of planning for the Belet Huen operation, additional Canadian troops landed in Baledogle. By December 28, 1992, negotiations had been completed in Mogadishu between the Canadian Commander, Col Labbé, and the senior officers of the U.S.-led UNITAF coalition. Canada undertook responsibility for the Belet Huen Humanitarian Relief Sector, an area of approximately 30,000 square miles in the north-east region of Somalia. The town of Belet Huen was 350 kilometres from Mogadishu, accessible via the neglected Italian Imperial Highway built in 1935. By road, trucks usually took two days to travel from Mogadishu to Belet Huen.
The other UNITAF sectors included those of the Italians, in Gialalassi, and the French, in Oddur, on either side of the Canadian area of responsibility. The remaining six HRSs were assigned to other national contingents: the U.S. Marines were based in Mogadishu and Bardhere HRS; the U.S. Army was sent to Merca and Baledogle HRS, assisted by the Moroccan forces, and to Kismayu, assisted by Belgian paratroopers; and the Australian force was given the responsibility for Baidoa HRS.
Over the next several days, the main body of Canadian personnel reached Belet Huen. The CARBG vehicles, which had been transported by sea from Canada to Somalia, arrived via road from Mogadishu by January 15, 1993. The men of 2 Commando were among the first Canadians to arrive in the town of Belet Huen. To establish a secure environment as quickly as possible, members of 2 Commando began 24-hour-a-day foot patrols through the town, and the Canadians soon became known to the local population as "the clan that never sleeps". As well, the two other commandos and the Royal Canadian Dragoons (all part of the CARBG) patrolled large areas of the surrounding countryside in Canadian army vehicles.
The CARBG landed by airlift in Somalia at the hottest time of the year. Daytime temperatures averaged in the high 40oC range throughout the months of December to April. Virtually all water was unsafe for drinking, even when boiled, but to prevent potentially lethal, heat-related medical conditions, each Canadian soldier would have to consume more than 10 litres of water each day.
These conditions were exacerbated by the potential for diseases such as malaria, typhoid, hepatitis, dysentery, and HIV infection; by other medical conditions such as gangrene; and by natural hazards, including scorpions, snakes, and parasites. In the area where they eventually set up camp, members of the CF expected to face not only natural dangers, but well-armed, unpredictable, rival Somali factions as well.
The tight time frame meant that the first Canadian troops arrived in theatre without knowing where they were to be based or what they would be doing. Supplies had been shipped to Somalia according to plans for Operation Cordon, part of the earlier Canadian commitment to the cancelled UNOSOM peacekeeping mission. Belet Huen, in the fractious southern sector of Somalia, was a long way from Bossasso, the intended Operation Cordon destination, which was located in the relatively stable northern part of the country.
By late December 1992, Canadian soldiers of the Operation Deliverance
contingent were deeply involved in the peace enforcement operation,
at first in a relatively hostile environment around the port of
Mogadishu, later in a significantly less threatening situation
further inland around Baledogle, and then at Belet Huen. The troops
of UNITAF, including the Canadians, were authorized to use deadly
force if necessary to disarm the factions, militia, and bandits
vying for power in Somalia, sometimes by blocking or attacking
aid convoys and otherwise inflicting considerable damage on Somali
citizenry and infrastructure.
The temporary camp set up by the CARBG at the Belet Huen airfield was placed on high alert from the moment the soldiers arrived. As the Canadian troops continued to establish their presence and expand the security surrounding the point of their initial foothold, the CARBG moved south-west across the Shebelle River to make its permanent camp on both sides of the main Belet Huen/Mogadishu supply route, the old Italian Imperial Highway. This location was considered of strategic importance because of CARBG's mission to ensure the safe delivery of humanitarian aid.
The Canadian base consisted of compounds along the north and south sides of the road. The compounds eventually housed the troops of CARBG, the helicopter detachment (of 427 Tactical Helicopter Squadron), a hospital, and the Canadians' headquarters and communications centre. It was a considerable improvement over the initial camp set up on their arrival at the airfield just before New Year's Day.
For those first few weeks, the troops had slept in crudely constructed trenches in the sand. They had no electricity, little water, no fresh food, and no washing facilities. They were exposed each day to the hot Somali sun, dust, snakes, insects, isolation, and a range of unfamiliar illnesses. There was also a pervasive sense of danger from the armed Somali 'technicals', many of whom had gone into hiding when the UNITAF force arrived.
The perimeters of the more permanent compounds eventually were surrounded by barbed wire, with slit trenches and watch towers intended to provide security for the troops and their equipment and supplies. Bunkers were built, and electric generators were brought in to power lights, provide refrigeration, and allow for some forms of light entertainment. Water systems were assembled to provide for drinking and washing. Food rations improved to some extent, beer was available, and telephone satellite communications allowed the Canadians to call home.
The choice of location and layout for the CARBG campsite in the Belet Huen HRS was the responsibility of LCol Mathieu, the most senior Canadian officer on the ground there. Recommendations for a unified camp based on the reconnaissance mission to Bossasso during planning for Operation Cordon were not considered by LCol Mathieu as applicable to the needs of the CARBG and Operation Deliverance.
The plan for the separate campsites in Belet Huen, according to LCol Mathieu, was based on the military principle of ilots de défense (islands of defence) which would be applied to an operation conducted in a desert. He decided that the use of the camp design originally proposed for Bossasso would have complicated the movements of vehicles necessary for the conduct of operations at the Belet Huen base.
LCol Mathieu told us that there were a number of factors which he had to consider, including abandoned buildings and concrete pads for vehicles and services; sites of cemeteries; the location of the Save the Children compound; the presence of some Muslim fundamentalists in the area; property of local landowners; and a nearby hill that could be used for observation and communications purposes, close to the headquarters compound. Other important considerations were access to roads for heavy military transport vehicles, because it was expected that the area would be flooded during the rainy seasons (from May to June and September to December), and the requirement to minimize disruption of the local population.
However, as more equipment was brought in, the Canadian compound increasingly became a target for infiltration and thievery, often by teenagers and children during the day and by young men at night. The attraction of the camps for thieves was mainly the presence of food, fuel, water and other supplies and equipment. However, a number of CARBG members also testified that the scattered layout left the camps more vulnerable, both to friendly fire and to attack by hostile forces. They stated that there had been no decision-making process to determine the layout for the camp, and evidence also indicated that the advice of senior non-commissioned officers concerning camp layout was disregarded.
Requirements for the CARBG at Belet Huen were significantly different
from what they would have been in Bossasso. Because of the distance
from Mogadishu, supplies had to be stored and guarded at the base,
and far more stores were needed than were loaded on the HMCS Preserver.
Plans for the Operation Cordon camp at Bossasso had required defensive
supplies for one large camp rather than a series of small ones.
These supplies included perimeter wire, sand bags, and timber.
The separate camps at Belet Huen presented a different security
situation, and supplies and manpower were both in shorter supply
than anticipated because of the layout of the camps and the changed
mission.
During the first few weeks in Belet Huen, members of the CARBG had to deal with physical deprivations and discomfort while more permanent facilities were being set up. They worked, slept, and ate in hot, extremely dusty, desert-like conditions. Field rations were non-fresh, prepackaged MRE (meals, ready-to-eat), used first during the Gulf War to mixed reviews. The MRE remained the predominant Canadian fare throughout the deployment. Gradually, provision was made for sanitary facilities, but work gear issued for the mission did not seem to suit the tropical environment, and underwear was in short supply.
Nevertheless, members of the Battle Group conducted mounted patrols
daily, met with local leaders, seized weapons from local militias,
and appeared to be meeting mission objectives within a few weeks
of their arrival in Somalia. Some of the success of the Canadian
force was due to the attention given to a wide range of tasks,
including humanitarian activities, handled by the troops at all
levels. The first few weeks passed with only a few hostile encounters,
but evidence indicates that some members of the Battle Group still
assessed the security threat level in the Belet Huen HRS as high.
(By the end of the deployment, however, no Canadian soldier had
been killed or wounded by enemy fire in Somalia.)
In testimony before the de Faye Board of Inquiry officers commanding 1 Commando and 3 Commando stated that the threat to CARBG personnel in Belet Huen was low after the first few weeks of the deployment. Maj Magee, OC 3 Commando, testified that "the biggest danger was being hit with a Somali truck". And Maj Pommet, OC 1 Commando, said that, based on his experience, "the simple fact to cock the weapon, the [noise] that it produces is simple enough to make anybody freeze and not attempt to go any further in his intent".
Witnesses who spoke about the potential risks for CARBG members testified that the Canadian camp at Belet Huen was generally the target of young, impoverished Somalis and that items stolen from the camp were personal items, staples (food and water), and other marketable commodities. Although some strategic equipment and materiel was reported missing, reports and testimony indicate that it was later found that these had simply been "overlooked" by Canadian troops.
Although there was little evidence of intelligence having been gathered in the area by Canadian intelligence officers, neither was there any indication that senior commanders thought there was much danger during in-theatre operations, that might necessitate preparations to prevent sabotage or armed incursions. Nor was there any evidence that Canadian officers in Somalia had alerted officers and officials at NDHQ of possible threats to CF in theatre from armed or organized groups or from sabotage.
As well, final reports indicated that no Canadian personnel were
killed or wounded by Somalis; but, that five Somalis and two Canadians
were killed or wounded by Canadian fire. These were an unidentified,
unarmed Somali killed on February 17, 1993 during an encounter
with the Mortar Platoon; Mr. Aruush, killed during an encounter
with the Reconnaissance Platoon on March 4, 1993; Mr. Arone, tortured
and murdered by CF members on March 16, 1993; an unidentified
person killed during a confrontation at the International Committee
of the Red Cross compound in Belet Huen on March 17, 1993; Cpl
Abel, killed by an accidental weapon discharge by another CARBG
member on May 2, 1993; Mr. Abdi, wounded during an encounter with
members of the Reconnaissance Platoon on March 4, 1993; and Lt
Jarrett, wounded by a negligent discharge of his own weapon. In
all, 20 charges for negligent discharges of Canadian weapons were
recorded between January 1993 and April 19, 1993 while CF members
were in Somalia. (It is probable that there were additional such
discharges that were not reported.)
CARBG sub-units were given a variety of tasks to cover the full range of Operation Deliverance objectives. The Royal Canadian Dragoons A Squadron at first was given the responsibility for route reconnaissance and traffic control operations from Mogadishu to Belet Huen. By mid-January, A Squadron was deployed to the north-east area of Somalia as a deterrent force, following a warning from Mohammed Ali Mahdi's United Somali Congress of an impending attack by the pro-Aideed Somali National Front against the village of Matabaan.
The three commandos were located in separate compounds at Belet Huen and each was given a different mission. In the early days of the deployment, before ships arrived bringing the military vehicles and equipment needed by the CARBG, most of the patrol duty in the Belet Huen area (except for A Squadron) was done on foot. The first task for the three commandos was to conduct security operations in the town and immediate area of Belet Huen.
The Officer Commanding 1 Commando, Maj Pommet, stated in his evidence before us that the threat level was low in contrast to that in Mogadishu. His commando was involved in only two minor incidents during initial patrols, neither of which required the Canadians to fire their weapons. After their armoured personnel carriers arrived, 1 Commando's main task was to expand security operations into the sector west of the Shebelle River. This required the commando to patrol the largest of the areas in the Belet Huen HRS; it was reported that 1 Commando was one of the first units to reach areas of Somalia that had been cut off from humanitarian aid for months. Its patrol area was remote and sparsely populated, but by the end of March 1993, Maj Pommet described the military threat to his commando as non-existent.
3 Commando under Maj Magee first shared the responsibility of patrolling the town of Belet Huen with 2 Commando. As vehicles arrived in theatre, 3 Commando was assigned the task of security in a large area east of the Shebelle River, where the threat level was reported to be similar to that facing 1 Commando and A Squadron. A number of minor incidents were logged by the commando, but only one of them resulted in warning shots being fired. As more weapons and mines were confiscated during their regular security operations, the threat level was estimated by the Officer Commanding 3 Commando as low and eventually "nonexistent".
The task assigned to 2 Commando was to provide security in the town of Belet Huen and surrounding area. Because the CARBG did not have enough military vehicles for all three commandos, 2 Commando used trucks to patrol the town, considered to be somewhat more dangerous than other parts of the HRS. By the end of January, the supplies and equipment shipped from Canada in December, after the mission was changed, had finally arrived. The work of 2 Commando during their patrols through Belet Huen brought them into contact with the local population, and they experienced both friendly responses and hostility from the Somalis.
However, there were signs that 2 Commando was having difficulties related to training and discipline. During the physically arduous preparations for its arrival in Belet Huen from Baledogle, the commando had had two incidents of accidental weapons discharge, fortunately without injury. But there were at least five other accidental discharges in the first few weeks of operations, a number significantly higher than for the other commandos.
On January 10, 1993, Maj Seward wrote to Col Gray at his home regiment in Canada about the possibility of being replaced as the Officer Commanding 2 Commando. He was concerned because his unit had already reported five accidental discharges and he himself had been found guilty of accidentally discharging his own weapon, for which he had been fined $2,400. Col Gray responded in mid-March that Maj Seward had the regiment's full confidence and encouraged him to carry on with his duties in Somalia.
On January 11, 1993, a CARBG soldier had surgery to repair a wound
in his forearm caused when he shot himself while cleaning his
pistol. (By the end of the mission, there had been 20 charges
for accidental weapons discharge incidents, resulting in fines
up to $2,400.)
Other problems were also emerging. On January 3, 1993, soldiers from 3 Commando shot a Somali man who was challenging them with a machete. Reports indicated that the Somali was upset at the Canadian troops for seizing his AK-47 weapon the previous day. According to documents we examined, the shot that injured the Somali was not aimed but was intended as a warning shot. It apparently ricocheted and struck the victim in the foot. First aid was offered by the Canadians, but was declined by the injured Somali.
The Significant Incident Report (SIR) on this incident stated that the rules of engagement were understood and followed and that no further action was required. The matter was not formally investigated, and the only documentation of it is the SIR. There was no recorded clarification by senior officers of the policy for use of warning shots, nor any comment about the decision to fire a warning shot under such circumstances.
While investigating another incident -- a suspected bandit's roadblock in the area around Belet Huen on January 29, 1993 -- a Canadian patrol came upon some armed Somalis. Warning shots were fired into the air when the Somalis began to flee; one fired back on the patrol, with the patrol returning fire. Later, the Canadians recovered an AK-47 and a bloody shirt. The Somalis were tracked to a point where they had apparently met a vehicle. It was reported that the injured Somali later went to the Italian hospital for treatment, and afterward was turned over to the civilian police. This incident does not appear to have been investigated, although a number of unanswered questions remain, including the identity of the Canadian troops. The suggestion was that the Canadians fired in self-defence, but records do not provide enough information to assess the reasonableness of the action. No summary investigation was undertaken.
LCol Mathieu noted that 2 Commando in particular was being overly aggressive, and on January 16, 1993 a record of reproof was issued to Maj Seward, its officer Commanding. This formal disciplinary measure was used rarely, and procedure required that it be filed immediately with NDHQ. LCol Mathieu explained the action in the following manner: "Despite repeated direction by the Commanding Officer to reduce the level of aggressiveness exhibited by his command, while conducting patrols in Belet Huen, Major Seward continued to permit his commando to act aggressively toward the population. This was in complete contradiction to the policy being implemented by the unit." Maj Seward recorded his reaction to the reproof in his diary, writing "If I hear any more [of Mathieu's] hearts and minds bullshit, I'm going to fucking barf."
Evidence indicates that Maj Seward chose to ignore this reproof. On January 27, 1993 he wrote to his wife:
Just now I am in the Command post. Five Somali teenagers have been caught stealing from Service Commando. They have been passed to me for security and transfer to the Somali police. The troops are, however, taking advantage of the situation to put on a demonstration. They're pretending that their intentions are to cut off the hands of these kids with machetes. It sounds awful, but if you were sitting here, you'd be laughing too. Soldier humour is infectious.
In Somalia, the policy for the consumption of alcohol authorized by Col Labbé allowed each member to consume two beers a day. It was then the responsibility of the officers commanding to put in place mechanisms to implement this policy. However, while several witnesses testified before us that this policy was enunciated clearly, the evidence does not indicate that it was followed strictly or consistently.
For example, Capt Mansfield, OC of the Engineer Squadron, testified that he had developed his own variation of the policy on alcohol. He allowed beer and occasionally wine to be consumed in the messes between 6:00 p. m. and 11:00 p. m., but no limit was placed on the amount. He testified that while he was aware of the alcohol policy of two beers a day, he believed that the engineers worked hard and deserved to be able to drink after work without imposed limits.
Maj Seward also changed the policy on alcohol consumption for 2 Commando in the early stages of the deployment. We heard testimony that the two-beers-a-day policy was enforced in January 1993, but MWO Amaral, who was in charge of selling beer, testified that by the end of the month he was told by Maj Seward that the policy did not have to be enforced. The restriction was that the soldiers were not allowed to drink while on duty or within eight hours of commencing duty.
On the other hand, testimony indicated that the two-beers-a-day rule was enforced in 1 Commando. Maj Pommet stated that although he had put control measures in place, at one point soldiers were ignoring the policy. He testified that the problem was brought under control by enforcing a policy of total abstinence in 1 Commando until the soldiers got the message. Testimony on the enforcement of the formal policy within CJFS headquarters indicated that some officers considered that it was followed and others stated that it was not.
The Canadian Forces policy on the consumption of alcohol and other intoxicants, contained in article 19.04 of the Queen's Regulations and Orders, states that an officer or senior non-commissioned member can only "introduce, possess or consume an intoxicant in an area occupied by the CF in a non-public property organization (such as a mess or sporting club) that has been granted a general authority with respect to the consumption of alcohol during specific times, or in places and times that have been approved by the commanding officer. This order is amplified by an administrative order that calls for each base or unit commander to establish policies regarding the consumption, service, and provision of alcohol on the premises.
These and other policies are to promote responsible practices
in order reduce or avoid problems arising from the misuse of alcohol
and to establish systems to limit or prevent alcohol-related injury
and death at CF facilities or functions. There are also policies
addressing the provision, serving, and consumption of alcohol
while CF members are deployed on operations.
We heard testimony indicating that mixed messages were being given CARBG troops in Belet Huen about the ROE and the appropriate use force in dealing with the local population. Although the overall military threat declined rapidly in the HRS assigned to Canadian Forces, one of the most aggravating problems facing the CARBG was theft. Security for the Canadian base in the layout used in Belet Huen was hindered by insufficient wire for the perimeter of the compound.
By the end of January, the troops were dealing routinely with individual and small groups of Somalis trying to steal Canadian equipment, supplies and personal property. Sometimes only scrap and other minor items such as water cans were taken; however, other things were also stolen, including food, water, gear, radios and parachute equipment.
At first, any Somali captured in the Canadian compound was bound, held overnight, and released the next day, either to local clan leaders, or to the local police after the Belet Huen force had been re-established. Some Canadian soldiers used questionable judgement in the handling of detainees and took photographs of groups of bound and blindfolded prisoners wearing signs labelling them as thieves.
On several days in January 1993, Somali detainees were kept in
an open area visible from the road, blindfolded, and handcuffed
with signs over their heads, despite Col Labbé's earlier
orders. These incidents occurred in the view of many witnesses,
including the regimental military police.
Several incidents demonstrated that CF personnel, including officers, did not have a clear understanding of what activities should be considered racism or racist behaviour. Testimony indicated that once CARBG members were in Somalia, derogatory terms were used to refer to the local Population. A number of terms, including "Slomali", "smufty" and "nignog", were reported by witnesses, although many, in reporting them, said they did not think of them as racist epithets.
Before the Canadian Airborne Regiment's deployment to Somalia in late 1992, the CF had no policy specifically addressing the issues of racism, racist behaviour, or right-wing extremist activity by soldiers. Prohibitions against racist conduct existed only as part of general policy statements and orders for dealing with disciplinary matters or harassment among members. However, the CF were subject to the Code of Service Discipline and federal legislation prohibiting discrimination, including discrimination on the basis of race.
During pre-deployment preparations at CFB Petawawa, racist symbols, including Nazi swastikas, and Ku Klux Klan and Confederate or 'Rebel' flags, had been reported. Racist epithets such as 'nigger' were known to be used, and neo-Nazis and other varieties of white supremacists were known to be present among CAR members. The reaction of CAR's leadership at the time was to deal with incidents or inappropriate symbols as matters of discipline. At CFB Petawawa, then, when Col Morneault banned the 'Rebel' flag as 2 Commando's rallying symbol, he did so because it was seen to interfere with the discipline of the troops, and possibly because it threatened the cohesion of the regiment itself, not because it was considered racist.
The most flagrant example of racist behaviour was a Canadian Airborne
hazing in August 1992, videotaped and later broadcast on national
television, during which the only black soldier in the group appeared
with the letters KKK written on his shoulder. He was also called
"nigger" or "nègre" by fellow CAR members
during the initiation activity depicted on the video.
Although planning for Operation Cordon, the UN mission that was cancelled in favour of the U.S.-led UNITAF, had included a one-month acclimatization for members of the CF in Somalia, testimony at the de Faye Board of Inquiry indicated that operations for Operation Deliverance began within 24 hours of the troops' arrival at Belet Huen. The OC of the Royal Canadian Dragoons, Maj Kampman, testified that he had received no pre-deployment direction as to training in theatre, with the exception of training on the ROE.
We also heard evidence that only minimal training was provided
while CARBG was in Belet Huen -- some weapons and range training,
some refresher training in combat drills, driver and desert survival
skills training, and some special training on the use of cayenne
pepper spray. Training on the ROE was left to the personal initiative
of the officers commanding. There were no directions issued and
no co-ordination exercised. Nor was much attention given to appropriate
procedures for the handling and treatment of detainees or crowd
control.
Frustration increased as infiltrations by thieves persisted. These circumstances led to an orders group meeting on January 28, 1993 at which LCol Mathieu reviewed the ROE. He stated that deadly force was permitted against Somalis found inside the compounds or running away with Canadian kit, whether or not they were armed. He also elaborated on the concepts of a "hostile act" and "hostile intent", indicating that touching the perimeter wire could be interpreted as a hostile act, meaning that soldiers then could initiate the escalation process leading to the use of deadly force.
After LCol Mathieu finished his discussion of the ROE, a number
of the officers (Maj Pommet, Maj Magee, and others) immediately
objected to or expressed reservations about his interpretation
of the ROE. However, LCol Mathieu was insistent that if a Somali
touched the compound wire, soldiers could initiate the process
of escalation to deadly force. He had also suggested that another
level of escalation, cocking the rifle, could be used. These instructions
were explained by LCol Mathieu at a meeting with clan elders in
Belet Huen on January 30, 1993. Eventually the CO's instructions
were amended, and the troops were told to "shoot between
the skirt and the flip flops", that is, at the legs, in order
to apprehend thieves and deter incursions into the Canadian compound
According to some evidence we heard, the authorization to shoot
at fleeing Somalis was supposed to have been rescinded on March
8, 1993. However, evidence from the de Faye Board of Inquiry and
an investigation into May 1993 incident at Matabaan indicates
that the change was not was communicated and implemented throughout
the CARBG.
On February 17, 1993, while a few Canadian soldiers were working to secure the Bailey bridge in Belet Huen, a crowd of Somalis approached and started throwing rocks at them. After rushing the crowd and firing two warning shots, the Canadians aimed and directed two shotgun blasts at two of the rock throwers. A Somali was killed and two were wounded in the incident. The next day, the officer in charge of the platoon provided the OC with statements from some of the soldiers involved.
This matter was not investigated further until the arrival of
the military police from Canada in May. Some questionable circumstances
were noted in their report. For example, pertinent pages from
the hospital admission book were torn out, and the estimate of
the size of the crowd threatening the Canadian troops varied significantly
from information provided in the official situation report. The
situation report and the briefs to the Chief of the Defence Staff
and the Deputy Minister put the size of the crowd at approximately
300. The investigation report suggested that it was in the range
of 50 to 70. The MP investigation concluded that the actions taken
by the Canadians were justified.
The compound of the Field Squadron of Engineers was on the south side of the road leading to Belet Huen, across from the Service Commando compound. It had been set up there because of an existing walled area and buildings which could be used for vehicle repair and equipment storage. The helicopter compound was alongside the road immediately to the west of the Engineers compound; the fuel bladders (containing fuel for the helicopters were in an adjacent area. Apart from that, the west side of the Engineers compound bordered a largely unused area, which was taken over by a detachment of 427 Tactical Squadron shortly after the March 4th incident.
The primary duty of the Engineer Squadron was to provide support
to the CARBG. Security (i.e., sentry duty) for the Engineers compound
was also considered to be its responsibility. The Officer Commanding,
Capt Mansfield, hired local Somalis for front-guard duty until
LCol Mathieu discontinued the practice. The theft of a fuel pump
heightened concern about security around the Engineers and helicopter
compounds, although the pump had been taken from an unenclosed
and unguarded area.
The Engineers compound was a regular target for infiltration and thievery because of the stores kept there. Among the many items reported stolen were wood, water, food, fuel, jerrycans, a walkman, and a geotech. Early on March 4, 1993, Capt Mansfield, the OC of the Engineers, was told that there had been a number of incursions into the Engineers compound during the night of March 3rd and that normal security precautions were failing to prevent Somalis from entering the compound. That same morning, WO Marsh of the Engineers was touring the proposed location for the Helicopter compound, when he discovered that a fuel recirculation pump was missing from the unenclosed area.
WO Marsh reported this theft to Capt Mansfield and suggested that
further security precautions should be taken in the area of the
Engineers compound. Testimony of some witnesses also suggested
that they had become more aware of their vulnerability after hearing
of the death the day before of a U.S. soldier, killed when he
had driven over a land mine. (This incident had occurred over
40 kilometres north of Matabaan, itself some 80 kilometres from
the Canadian camp at Belet Huen.)
On the morning of March 4, 1993 Capt Mansfield discussed the problem of security for the compound at his own orders group. Among suggestions for improving security were the installation of lights around the perimeter of the compound and erecting a surveillance tower. That same morning, Capt Mansfield raised the issue of security of his compound with Capt Kyle, the operations officer of CARBG, at the headquarters orders group.
During the discussion, Capt Rainville, the Reconnaissance Platoon
leader, volunteered his platoon to augment security for the Engineers
compound. At the time, the only ongoing task of the Recce Platoon
was to man the hilltop observation post, north-west of the Canadian
camp. Accordingly at the request of Capt Mansfield, LCol Mathieu
ordered Capt Rainville to provide additional security to the Engineers
compound.
Capt Rainville contacted Capt Mansfield, who indicated that he should deal with WO Marsh to make the necessary arrangements. Capt Rainville and some members of the Recce Platoon (Sgt Plante, MCpl Countway, and Cpl Klick) met later in the day with WO Marsh to conduct a reconnaissance of the compound as part of the planning for the night operation. Sgt Groves of the Engineers Squadron later testified before us that after observing preparations for the mission that night, he had told his men that "someone is going to die out there tonight".
WO Marsh told Capt Rainville that he could provide a light tower, which had been transferred for this purpose from the airfield to the Engineers compound, and that he could also erect a raised surveillance platform to assist the Recce Platoon. Capt Rainville refused this offer, ostensibly on the basis that the lights would interfere with his plan by hampering the use of night vision goggles (NVGs).
Instead, Capt Rainville directed WO Marsh to place ration boxes and jerrycans of water in the back of a trailer at the south end of the Engineers compound, in a place visible from a path used daily by the Somalis to go to the river to get water. While Capt Rainville described the placing of these supplies as a "military deception plan", several witnesses, including Capt Mansfield, WO Marsh, and members of the Recce Platoon, referred to this part of the plan as setting out "bait". Capt Rainville later defended his action by explaining that this material would attract thieves but not saboteurs, enabling his men to distinguish between the two.
Capt Rainville divided the duties for the night of March 4th between members of the Recce Platoon and Sgt Groves and his men, who were designated the Quick Reaction Force. The Recce Platoon was to assume responsibility for the southern part of the compound, and Sgt Groves and his men were to remain in the northern part of the compound, serving as a mobile reserve in case they were needed.
To complete the mission plan, Capt Rainville conducted a walking
tour inside the perimeter of the compound, from the southern edge
of "Fort Holdfast" (the walled section at the northern
end of the Engineers compound) to the halfway point of the compound.
They did not conduct any part of the reconnaissance outside the
Engineers compound or around the helicopter compound, reportedly
so as not to reveal the plan or the intended locations of Recce
Platoon's three detachments.
At his afternoon orders group, Capt Rainville explained the purpose of the mission and the location of the detachments, as follows:
Each of the detachments was assigned an area of responsibility defined by interlocking and overlapping arcs of observation and fire. The detachments were set up to maintain a 360-degree arc of observation, but their primary focus was on the southern approaches to the Engineers compound. To help distinguish friendly forces from 'enemy' forces, the position of each of the detachments and some key points were to be marked by infrared chemical markers called 'glow sticks', invisible to the naked eye but visible to soldiers using night vision goggles.
These glow sticks were also to be used to delimit the arcs of fire of the designated sniper, Cpl Klick, who would be able to provide covering fire, according to Capt Rainville's plan. Outside the compound, responsibilities were divided so that Detachment 63 would cover the area at the south-west corner of the Engineers compound, and Detachment 64A would cover the south-east corner.
Capt Rainville also gave directions on the equipment to be used during the patrol. Each of the detachments would carry one set of night vision goggles, one Starlight Scope, and their routine-issue C7 rifles. As the sniper, Cpl Klick would carry both his C7 and a C3A1 bolt-action, single shot sniper rifle equipped with a night vision scope. Sgt Plante brought a 12-gauge shotgun instead of a C7 rifle.
Communications were another element of the planned mission, and each detachment had its own call sign (C/S). C/S 69, referring to Capt Rainville and Cpl Klick, carried two radios with them, one to maintain contact with Sgt Groves and his Quick Reaction Force, as well as with the Engineers headquarters, and the other to maintain communications with the other two detachments. Sgt Plante carried one radio on the platoon net for C/S 63, and Cpl Roch Leclerc carried the same type of radio, also on the platoon net, for C/S 64A.
In testimony before us, there were significant discrepancies as
to the actual purpose of the mission, as it was communicated down
the chain of command from LCol Mathieu through Capt Rainville
to his patrol. The mission assigned to Capt Rainville was to augment
security of the Engineers compound, a mission which he reinterpreted
and communicated to his platoon as being to capture Somali infiltrators.
At 1800 hours (6:00 p.m.), Capt Rainville gathered members of the patrol inside the Engineers compound to review their orders before going to their assigned locations. Shortly afterward, Capt Rainville and Cpl Klick moved to their position in the back of the truck, which was located about 25 to 45 metres east of the gate in the western perimeter of the Engineers compound, and between 100 to 125 metres from the south perimeter. Once they were in position, the other two detachments moved out.
Detachment 63, led by Sgt Plante, headed out along the main supply route, passing the west side of the 2 Commando compound. From there the men turned south toward the southern perimeter of the compound, moving east at that point toward the Engineers compound lines. While the mission plan called for Detachment 63 to station itself 100 to 150 metres from the south-west corner, Sgt Plante exercised his discretion as detachment commander and instead decided that they should move to a position behind a small cement well or cistern. The well was located 50 to 100 metres west of the gate in the west side of the Engineers compound, and 50 to 150 metres south of the helicopter compound. However, it would appear that Sgt Plante did not inform Capt Rainville of the revised location of his detachment.
Detachment 64A (led by MCpl Countway) headed east along the main supply route to the west side of the 1 Commando compound, where it checked in with the sentry before turning south along the 1 Commando compound wire. Then the three soldiers moved south along the 1 Commando compound wire before heading west to their designated position. (Again, testimony indicated some discrepancies as to their exact location, but they were probably situated about 30 to 150 metres off the south-east corner of the Engineers Compound, slightly to the east of the actual corner of the perimeter.)
Each of the three detachments was more or less in place by approximately 1950 hours. At that time, Cpl Lalancette, from his sentry post in the 1 Commando observation tower, and using a thermal imaging device called a night observation device long range (NODLR), saw two Somalis walking casually south along the eastern perimeter of the Engineers compound. He passed this information to Cpl Noonan, 1 Commando's radio operator, who then radioed to headquarters in the Engineers compound. This information was passed on to Capt Rainville's detachment, which then informed the other two detachments.
As the two Somalis approached the south-east corner of the Engineers compound perimeter, they were observed by Detachment 64A. Cpl Smetaniuk had spotted them first and alerted the other members of his detachment. Detachment 64A's radio was used to inform Capt Rainville that they had the Somalis under observation. According to evidence we heard, the Somalis were reported to have approached the wire, looked inside at various areas of the compound, and pointed in various directions while talking to each other. The Somalis then moved toward the southeast comer of the perimeter, finally passing out of Detachment 64A's vision.
Detachment 63 sighted the Somalis as they approached the south-west corner of the perimeter and from there proceeded north in the general direction of the helicopter compound. At this point, because the Somalis were moving closer to their position at the well, Detachment 63 requested radio silence so that its position would not be compromised. As they moved northward, the Somalis were kept under observation by both Detachment 63 and Detachment 69, but there is serious disagreement about their exact movements. Not all members of the two detachments watched both Somalis continuously.
At a certain point, the Somalis became frightened and ran south. Capt Rainville called to them to stop, and he also called Out to Detachment 63 to "get them". Members of Detachment 63 issued warnings to the fleeing Somalis in English, French, and Somali. Sgt Plante shone a flashlight attached to his shotgun in the faces of the two Somalis, but they continued to run away. Detachment 63 then fired two warning shots: Sgt Plante fired one with his shotgun, and Cpl King the other with his C7 rifle. As the two Somalis continued to flee, Detachment 63 members fired aimed shots.
Both Sgt Plante and Cpl King fired, but only Sgt Plante hit one of the Somalis. The injured man, Mr. Abdi Hunde Bei Sabrie, was wounded in the buttocks and legs by the shotgun blast. Once down, he was apprehended and restrained by members of Detachment 63. By that time, they had been joined by Capt Rainville, who indicated that he would stay with Mr. Abdi while the others pursued the other man. Plastic cuffs were then placed on Mr. Abdi.
The second Somali, Mr. Ahmed Afraraho Aruush, had continued to flee, but stopped when he got to the south-west corner of the perimeter. At this point, Cpl Klick had him in his gun sight from inside the compound and was waiting to see what he would do. Cpl Klick did not fire because, according to his testimony, he saw no threat to any of the patrol members. Mr. Aruush was also spotted at approximately the same time by Cpl Favasoli, who was using night vision goggles. He monitored the second Somali's movements and directed Sgt Plante and Cpl King as they ran in pursuit. The second Somali began to run again to the south-east.
Members of Detachment 63 chased Mr. Aruush until he reached the mid-point of the southern end of the perimeter, then abandoned the chase because they had entered the arc of fire of Detachment 64A and the Somali was heading toward the members of 64A. Sgt Plante, Cpl King, and Cpl Favasoli returned to where they had left Capt Rainville with Mr. Abdi, who was struggling to free himself. After cuffing him again, Cpl Favasoli removed a knife from a sheath on Mr. Abdi's belt.
As Mr. Aruush approached Detachment 64A, Cpl Smetaniuk allegedly gave a warning to halt, causing the man to veer away. Having been designated as the "chase man" within the detachment, Cpl Smetaniuk then ran unarmed after the fleeing Somali. When it appeared to the other two members of Detachment 64A that Cpl Smetaniuk would not be able to catch him, they shouted a warning to Cpl Smetaniuk, and Cpl Roch Leclerc fired a warning shot with his C7.
As Mr. Aruush continued to flee, Cpl Leclerc and MCpl Countway
each fired one aimed shot, and the Somali fell. The evidence we
heard indicated, however, that he then tried to get up, at which
point Cpl Leclerc and MCpl Countway each fired a second shot.
Mr. Aruush went down again and did not get up. Although testimony
varied as to the exact location of Mr. Aruush at the time of the
second shots, generally evidence suggests that he fell in the
vicinity of Detachment 64A.
When Detachment 64A members determined that Mr. Aruush, was dead, they reported the shootings to Detachment 69. At approximately 2015 hours, Capt Rainville radioed Service Commando for an ambulance to take the wounded Somali, Mr. Abdi, to the base hospital and to remove the body of Mr. Aruush. Within a few minutes, MCpl Petersen, Cpl Mountain, and Trp Leach arrived in an ambulance, examined Mr. Abdi, determined that his injuries were not serious, and took him to the CF hospital, accompanied by Sgt Plante and Cpl King.
The medics radioed to C/S 64A to request that Mr. Aruush's body be brought to where they were examining Mr. Abdi. When informed by C/S 64A that the body could not be moved without it falling apart, they proceeded to the location of the body to examine it. MCpl Petersen, according to his testimony, observed that the dead Somali's neck was blown out, his head was gaping open at the back of the skull and his face was sagging to one side. MCpl Petersen, Cpl Mountain, Tpr Leach, and Capt Rainville subsequently accompanied the body to the hospital in the Service Commando compound.
The ambulance bearing Mr. Abdi arrived at the hospital at around 2040 hours, where he was examined by Maj Armstrong in the presence of Maj Brown, MCpl Butler and Cpl Briggins. Mr. Abdi had suffered multiple shotgun pellet wounds to his lower back, buttocks, and lower legs, although none of the wounds was life-threatening. The ambulance returned with the body of Mr. Aruush at approximately 2050 hours. Maj Armstrong conducted a partial examination of the body at about 2100-2115 hours to determine the cause of death in the presence of Maj Brown, Capt Gibson, Lt (N) Gowthorpe, Sgt Ashman, MCpl Butler, Pte Perriman, Pte Cameron, and Pte McLeod.
According to the report of Maj Armstrong, the deceased had been first shot in the back and subsequently "dispatched" with a pair of shots to the head and neck area. Maj Armstrong considered that the wounds were consistent with the Somali being shot as he lay wounded on the ground. On the direction of Maj Vanderveer, the Officer Commanding Service Commando, the body of Mr. Aruush was transferred to the local Belet Huen hospital without an autopsy at approximately 2245 hours. A hospital admissions register recorded the receipt of Mr. Aruush's body, and a Somali physician, Dr. Xalen, released the body to the deceased's family the same evening.
While Mr. Abdi was being examined at the hospital, CWO Jackson
of the U.S. Special Forces A Team was informed of the shootings,
came to the hospital, and interviewed Mr. Abdi with the help of
a U.S. interpreter. Afterward, he spoke with Capt Rainville about
the mission. He also met with Maj Armstrong, reportedly to discuss
the wounds on the dead man. CWO Jackson apparently decided that
he needed more information about the incident to report up his
own chain of command, and he asked Capt Rainville to arrange an
interview with Detachment 64A.
When Capt Kyle, the Operations Officer, was informed of the shootings, he reported immediately to LCol Mathieu and Col Labbé. (Col Labbé had arrived in Belet Huen that afternoon along with Col O'Brien, Col White and Col McLeod, who were visiting from NDHQ in preparation for the visit of the CDS, Adm Anderson, to Somalia scheduled for the following week.)
Capt Rainville was ordered to go from the Service Commando compound to the Headquarters compound to meet with LCol Mathieu and Capt Kyle. Col Labbé was also present. During the debriefing, according to testimony before us, an "excited" Capt Rainville drew a diagram as he described the events of the night, explaining as well that the patrol members had followed the rules of engagement regarding the use of force. Capt Rainville reportedly stated that the two Somalis had been shot in the back after attempting to penetrate the Canadian wire. Evidence is conflicting as to whether he mentioned the "bait".
The assembled officers asked questions throughout the 60-minute debriefing, at the end of which Col Labbé asked Capt Rainville to write a description of the events for Col Labbé to use when he briefed the media the next morning. Testimony indicates that LCol Mathieu then told Capt Rainville, "Good job, Michel" as he was sent back to his patrol. Capt Rainville returned to the Engineers compound and at approximately 11:00 he called in the members of Detachment 64A so that they could debrief CWO Jackson. After the approximately half-hour debriefing on the shootings, the men headed back out to resume their patrol position. Capt Rainville remained on duty until dawn, and then he called the other detachments in for a debriefing. Once Capt Rainville had left Headquarters, Col Labbé briefly discussed the incident with LCol Mathieu.
Early in the morning of March 5th, Capt Rainville gathered his men to conduct a patrol debriefing. During the course of the meeting, each of the platoon members gave their version of what had occurred during the night's mission. In testimony before us, none of the members of the patrol could recall the details of this debriefing concerning the shootings. However, they all reported that Capt Rainville told them not to speak to the media about the incident. Capt Rainville apparently indicated during this debriefing that it was standard procedure that some form of investigation would be conducted, but he also told the patrol members that it had been a good mission and that they had performed well.
No measures were taken by the CO to protect the scene of the shootings, as both he and Col Labbé were satisfied with the explanation of the events given by Capt Rainville. Nevertheless, in view of the serious concerns expressed by officers in Ottawa about the circumstances of the shootings and the fact that the two Somalis were shot in the back while running away, it was determined that a CO's investigation would be conducted into the events.
The CARBG's intelligence officer, Capt Hope, who had returned from leave on the afternoon of March 5th, was ordered by LCol Mathieu to conduct the CO's investigation. Capt Hope testified at our hearings that he had never conducted a CO's investigation before and had to search through CF procedural manuals for guidance. Unable to find the details he needed, Capt Hope received LCol Mathieu's permission to conduct a summary investigation (a form of investigation he was more familiar with), to meet the deadline for a oral or written report by 1600 hours on March 6th.
The terms of reference for Capt Hope's investigation were drawn up late in the afternoon of March 5th, and he began by collecting situation reports and other pertinent documents from both Belet Huen and Mogadishu. The deadline was extended to 1400 hours on March 7th, giving Capt Hope sufficient time to collect the statements of the patrol members, the medical report of Maj Armstrong, and the report prepared by CWO Jackson. Having submitted the first version of his report on March 7th, Capt Hope was subsequently instructed to delete parts of it and to include some additional material concerning the circumstances of the incident. A final version of the report was submitted to Col Labbé on March 13th. It served as the basis for Col Labbé's own report to NDHQ, which he submitted on March 23rd.
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